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Austrian and Turkish influence on the old elections was best demonstrated by the fact that only three of the
total of eighty-four old members succeeded in securing re-election. The assemblies met and proclaimed as
imperatively necessary to the future welfare of the provinces, their union, 'for no frontier divides us, and
everything tends to bring us closer, and nothing to separate us, save the ill-will of those who desire to see us
disunited and weak'; further, a foreign hereditary dynasty, because 'the accession to the throne of princes
chosen from amongst us has been a constant pretext for foreign interference, and the throne has been the cause
of unending feud among the great families of this country'. Moreover, if the union of the two principalities
was to be accomplished under a native prince, it is obvious that the competition would have become doubly
keen; not to speak of the jealousies likely to be arousal between Moldavians and Muntenians.
[Footnote 1: The edifying correspondence between the Porte and its commissary Vorgoridès regarding the
arrangements for the Rumanian elections fell into the hands of Rumanian politicians, and caused a great
sensation when it appeared in _L'Etoile du Danube_, published in Brussels by Rumanian _émigrés_.]
Such were the indisputable wishes of the Rumanians, based on knowledge of men and facts, and arising out of
the desire to see their country well started on the high road of progress. But Europe had called for the
expression of these wishes only to get the question shelved for the moment, as in 1856 everybody was anxious
for a peace which should at all costs be speedy. Consequently, when a second Congress met in Paris, in May
1858, three months of discussion and the sincere efforts of France only resulted in a hybrid structure entitled
the 'United Principalities'. These were to have a common legislation, a common army, and a central committee
composed of representatives of both assemblies for the discussion of common affairs; but were to continue to
form two separate states, with independent legislative and executive institutions, each having to elect a prince
of Rumanian descent for life.
Disappointed in their hopes and reasonable expectations, the Rumanians adopted the principle of 'help
yourself and God will help you', and proceeded to the election of their rulers. Several candidates competed in
Moldavia. To avoid a split vote the name of an outsider was put forward the day before the election, and on
January 17, 1859, Colonel Alexander Ioan Cuza was unanimously elected. In Wallachia the outlook was very
uncertain when the assembly met, amid great popular excitement, on February 5. The few patriots who had
realized that the powers, seeking only their own interests, were consciously and of set purpose hampering the
emancipation of a long-suffering nation, put forth and urged the election of Cuza, and the assembly
unanimously adopted this spirited suggestion. By this master-stroke the Rumanians had quietly accomplished
the reform which was an indispensable condition towards assuring a better future. The political moment was
propitious. Italy's military preparation prevented Austria from intervening, and, as usual when confronted with
an accomplished fact, the great powers and Turkey finished by officially recognizing the action of the
principalities in December 1861. The central commission was at once abolished, the two assemblies and
cabinets merged into one, and Bucarest became the capital of the new state 'Rumania'.
If the unsympathetic attitude of the powers had any good result, it was to bring home for the moment to the
Rumanians the necessity for national unity. When the danger passed, however, the wisdom which it had
evoked followed suit. Cuza cherished the hope of realizing various ideal reforms. Confronted with strong
opposition, he did not hesitate to override the constitution by dissolving the National Assembly (May 2, 1864)
and arrogating to himself the right, till the formation of a new Chamber, to issue decrees which had all the [ Pobierz całość w formacie PDF ]

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